Arangkada for May 10, 2007

        PULOS MALAPASON

 

        Haskang daghanang politiko, pipila nila akong mga higala, ang nangreklamo sa among gihimo sa DYAB Radyo Patrol nga paghingan sa tanang lokal ug nasudnong mga piliunon kansang campaign materials gibutang gawas sa common poster areas ug sa mosunod nga mga dapit nga gidili sa Comelec:   Poste sa suga, linya sa kuryente, punoan sa kahoy, simbahan, taytayan ug kadalanan.  May mga nanawag namo nga nanghulga nga ila ming ikiha kay gawas nga among gipakauwawan ang ilang mga ngan, amo pa gyod kunong gisabotahe ang ilang mga kandidatura.

        Wa mi mohunong sa among gihimo.  Ug malipayon kong motaho ninyo nga hangtod karon, pila na lang ka adlaw sa di pang eleksiyon sa Mayo 14, wa pay bisan usa nila nga nitinuod sa ilang hulga.   Ang mas makalipay mao nga way bisan usa sa akong mga paryente, kansang campaign materials among nakit-an nga gipataka lang og pamutang sa Dakbayan sa Talisay, nga nakaako pagpangasaba nako.

-o0o-

        Wa mi mag-awhag sa mga botante sa di pagbotar sa mga kandidato nga naghugaw-hugaw sa atong palibot.  Igo lang ming nagpahibawo sa katawhan kinsa ang mga kandidato nga nakalapas sa mga lagda sa piniliay.   Ug naa ra sa mga pumipili kon saligan ba nilang mga politiko nga wa pa ganing kalingkod sa katungdanan, o mga incumbent nga nanhangyo pa gani og lab-as nga mandato, nangyatak na sa mga balaod nga ilang gisaad nga panalipdan ug ipatigbabaw.

        Mao ni gamay namong tampo sa pagsuway pagpatuman sa mga lagda nga gitumong paghimong ligdong ug makiangayon sa piniliay.  Samtang lisod ang pagmatuod sa pinalitay sa boto, o pagpabaha og kuwarta lapas sa labing dakong kantidad nga gitakda sa Comelec, ang nagpasad nga campaign materials bantang sa tanang hingtungdan.

        Sama nga di maato sa nagpakabana nga mga kahugpongan ang paglaksi sa illegal campaign materials, di sab namo maato pagsuhid ang tanang kalapasan ug paghingan ang tanang malapason.  Nanghinaot lang mi nga ang mga botante mapugwat sa makauuwawng kalapasan ug katabangan sa ilang pagtimbang-timbang kinsay hatagan sa ilang pagsalig karong Lunes.

-o0o-

        Ang masulub-ong balita mao nga sa hapit tanang dakbayan ug kalungsoran nga naduaw sa mga sakop sa DYAB Radyo Patrol hapit tanang kandidato nakalapas sa mga lagda.  Maihap lang sa tudlo ang nakatuman.   Kadudahan pa gani kon matinumanon ba gyod sila o wa lay igong kuwarta nga ikaparang sa nagpasad nga campaign materials sa mas adunahan nilang mga kaatbang.

        Makiangayon ba nga ipasikad sa pagtahud sa mga lagda sa campaign materials ang paghukom sa mga nanagan karong eleksiyona?  O, sama sa naandan, moduko na lang ta og paawot sa mapangahasong sugyot sa way uwaw nga mga politiko nga, kay naglisod man sila sa pagtuman, ipabasura na lang nila ang mga lagda.   [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Arangkada for May 9, 2007

        LUBA SA KALIGDONG

 

        Kon magmalampuson si Gobernador Gwen Garcia pagpahunong sa imbestigasyon ni Acting Deputy Ombudsman Virginia Palanca-Santiago sa gipasangil nga mga anomaliya sa pagtukod sa Cebu International Convention Center (CICC), ang Sugbuanong mga magbubuhis maoy labing dakong pildero.   Di lang kay magpabiling misteryo giunsa paggasto ang siningtan ug hinagoan nilang buhis sa pagpabarug sa CICC, mapurnada sab ang nahaunang mga imbestigasyon sa Ombudsman sa gipasangil nga kahiwian sa ubang mga proyekto nga, sama sa CICC, gidalidali sab pagtukod alang sa niaging 12 ^th Asean Summit.

        Maayong tilimad-on ang pagdumili ni Ombudsman Merceditas Gutierrez pagpaubos ni Santiago sa preventive suspension usa ka semana na human ipasaka ni Garcia ang iyang petisyon.  Nagpasabot ni nga di diay tanang ahensiya sa kagamhanan ang mokuray sa kahadlok kon mamanghag na si Garcia.

-o0o-

        Kon simbako, layo ra to, tabukon og pito ka lawod, masuspenso si Santiago ug mapulihan og di Sugbuanon, suma sa kusganong awhag ni Garcia, mabalda kon di man hingpit nga mahunong ang mga imbestigasyon nga giduma nilang Santiago ug kaubanan sa mosunod nga gikuwestiyon nga mga proyekto sa summit:

·         Ang gitumbok nga makalilisang nga overpricing sa decorative ug street lamps sa kinatibuk-ang ruta sa summit gikan sa Marco Polo sa Dakbayan sa Sugbo ngadto sa Shangrila sa Mactan;

·         Ang giingong overpricing ug ubang palusot sa surveillance cameras nga hangtod karon wa dawata sa kapolisan nga mao untay end-user; ug

·         Ang kontrobersiyal nga pagtukod sa CICC nga gihulagway ni Crisologo Saavedra nga panglaktod, way klarong plano, way subasta, sabutsabot ra, giinat-inat ang budget, gibuakbuak ang mga kontrata ug gipaburot pag-ayong presyo.

-o0o-

        Apan may sukaranan ang panghinaot sa mga kaatbang ni Santiago nga sakyan sa Malakanyang ang nangalisbo nilang kawsa.  Kay mahimong ibaligya ang ilang kaso nga maoy labing epektibong paagi paggapos nilang Santiago ug kaubanan aron nga di makaabot ang imbestigasyon sa mga eskandalo sa summit ngadto nilang kanhi DPWH (karon defense) secretary Hermogenes Ebdane Jr. ug ubang mga suod ni Pres. Arroyo.

        Si Arroyo hingpit na hinuong nanghunaw sa kontrobersiya.  Ang daylang nga wa niya pagtambong sa rally sa iyang mga alyado sa Mandaue nga gipangulohan ni kanhi Mandaue City Mayor Teddy Ouano maoy labing uwahing sukaranan sa pagduda nga pasagdan ni Arroyo ang tanang gilambigit sa anomaliya pag-atubang sa tanang mga kasong gipasaka batok nila.

-o0o-

        Sa di pa mopadayon ang mga turutot ni Garcia paglabay sa bisan unsang lapok nga ilang makupay ngadtong Saavedra, nga samang Santiago maoy responsable sa paspas nga pagsusi sa mga eskandalo sa summit, maayo tingaling tubagon nilang mosunod nga pangutana:

Tungod sa expose ni Saavedra sa surveillance cameras ug deco lamps, nakadaginot ang kagamhanan ug ang mga magbubuhis og dul-an sa P400 milyones, sila unsa may ilang nahimo?   [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Arangkada for May 8, 2007

        SUBAY, DI BIAYBIAY

 

        Kon nagtuo ang kadagkoan sa Kapitolyo sa Sugbo nga mahilom nang mga magbubuhis sa pagpaningil og matinud-anong subay sa makalilisang nga gasto sa pagtukod sa Cebu International Convention Center (CICC) human nila pabahai og mga numero sa niaging semana, nasayop sila.   Ang gipangayo sa mga Sugbuanon kuwentada, di salida.  Ilang gitinguha nga mahibaw-an giunsa paggasto ang siningtan ug hinagoan nilang buhis.   Di nga lipatlipaton sila sa mga numero nga di matino ug gukdon ug pakauwawan ang mga nagpakabana pagbarug alang sa ilang kanunay lang mataligam-an nga mga interes.

        Ang gilaoman sa Sugbuanong mga magbubuhis mao nga pakit-on sila sa mga dokumento sa pagsubasta ug pagtukod sa CICC.  Ang maong mga dokumento ray ilang masaligan nga wa mausik ang ilang buhis, ni mosimang sa burot nang daan nga panudlanan sa mga kukhan.

-o0o-

        Hangtod karon, upat na ka buwan human natukod ang CICC, ang nadawat sa mga Sugbuanon lunlon pagarpar.  Ang panghambog sa kadagkoan sa Kapitolyo nga wa silay gitagoan dakong panlingla.   Kay sukwahi sa ilang yawit, hugtanon silang nagdumili pagpakita sa mga dokumento sa CICC ngadto sa mga magbubuhis nga nagtinguha pagtan-aw ug pagsusi sa kinatibuk-ang transaksiyon.

        Gawas sa sibaw nang awhag sa mga sakop sa media, nga ila lang gibungulbungolan, dunay pormal nga awhag ang Bayan Muna alang sa kuwentada ug mga dokumento sa CICC.  Ang suwat nadawat sa buhatan sa gobernador niadtong Pebrero 27, 2007.   Ubos sa balaod, ang Kapitolyo dunay 15 ka adlaw pag-aksiyon sa awhag.  Apan kapin na sa duha ka buwan ang nilabay, way kihol ang kadagkoan sa lalawigan.

        Gani, kon tinuod nga way gitagoan ang Kapitolyo, gitahan na unta nilang mga dokumento sa CICC ngadto sa graft investigators, di na magpaabot sa subpoena duces tecum nga mahimong luwatan sa Visayas Ombudsman batok nila.

-o0o-

        Ug kon nakalimot ang kadagkoan sa lalawigan (kay napasaran sa gutom sa upat ka takna nga tigom nga ilang gipatawag sa Capitol Social Hall niadtong Huwebes) unsay mga dokumento nga angay nilang ipakita ngadto sa mga Sugbuanon, niang papeles nga gimando sa Government Procurement Act ( R.A. 9184) nga isukip sa bidding documents:

·         Approved Budget for the contract;

·         Instructions to Bidders, including criteria for eligibility, bid evaluation and post-qualification, as well as the date, time and place of the pre-bid Conference (where applicable), submission of bids and opening of bids;

·         Terms of Reference;

·         Eligibility Requirements;

·         Plans and Technical Specifications;

·         Form of Bid, Price Form, and List of Goods or Bill of Quantities;

·         Delivery Time or Completion Schedule;

·         Form and Amount of Bid Security;

·         Form and Amount of Performance Security and Warranty; ug,

·         Form of Contract, and General and special Conditions of Contract.  [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Arangkada for May 7, 2007

       PILDE UG DAOG

 

       Kon di na kaayo ko hingatawa rong mga adlawa, pasaligan tika nga di ni tungod sa mga kasong akong giatubang.  Tungod ni sa makauuwawng pagkasilhig nilang Dwyane Wade, Shaquille O'Neal ug sa defending NBA champions Miami Heat; sa pagkapukan nilang Yao Ming ug Tracy McGrady; ug sa pagkapilde ni Oscar "Golden Boy" De La Hoya sa labing uwahi niyang pagsuway pagsemento sa iyang kabilin ug pagpaburot sa iyang katigayonan.

        Naibanan hinuon og dyutay ang akong kaguol kay gilubong man sab sa Golden State Warriors silang Dirk Nowitzki ug ang Dallas Mavericks, gipalukapa na sab sa Phoenix Suns silang Kobe Bryant ug ang Los Angeles Lakers, nakalahos na sa ikaduhang hugna sa playoffs silang Jason Kidd ug ang New Jersey Nets ug kumbinsido kaayong kadaogan nilang Rey "Boom Boom" Bautista batok ni Sergio "Rocky" Medina sa Argentina ug AJ "Bazooka" Banal batok ni Juan Alberto Rosas sa Mexico.

-o0o-

        Pipila ka takna sa wa pa mokatkat sa ring silang AJ ug Boom Boom, ang duha sa labing masilakong mga bituon sa boksing sa Pilipinas, sa MGM Grand Arena sa Las Vegas, nikatap ang text messages mahitungod sa giingong pagbanhig ug pagpatay sa labing bantogang Pinoy boxer sa atong panahon, si Manny "Pacman" Pacquiao nga nisalmot og laing matang sa bugno sa iyang yutang natawhan sa Gen. Santos.  Lahi hinuon sa naandang pagpakatap lang sa iresponsableng kasayuran, ug maayo ning tilimad-on sa kahinog na sa panabot sa minilyon nga nakahimo natong texting capital sa kalibotan, kasagaran sa text nga akong nadawat nangutana unsa katinuod ang taho.

        Ang mga pangutana gipulihan sa nagbaha nga text messages sa kadaogan nilang Boom Boom ug AJ gikan sa mga nakabati sa live coverage ni Homer Sayson sa DYAB Abante Bisaya gikan sa ringside.  Ug wa nang kapahuway ang akong telepono sa mas dakong baha sa mga pangutana kinsay nidaog sa sangka nga gawas nga gianggaan nga "makapahunong sa kalibotan," gitawag sab nga "kataposang bantogang sangka" sa himatyong kalibotan sa boksing.

-o0o-

        Nisuway ko pagpangita og websites nga naghimo og live coverage sa sangka nilang Floyd "Pretty Boy" Mayweather ug De La Hoya.  Akong natultolan ang live blog sa BBC ug AOL, kansang reporters kuyog nilang Homer ug sa laing gatosan ka mga sakop sa media nga gitugotang makalingkod sa ringside.  Nagsugod ang sangka alas-11:40 sa buntag (oras sa Sugbo) samtang naghinapos nang kulba hinam ug mapangahason nga pagpanung sa Utah Jazz sa korte sa Houston Rockets.

        Gidominahan ni De La Hoya ang ikaduha, ikatulo ug ikaupat nga hugna.  Nakabawos si Mayweather sa ikaunom.  Apan natagak ang akong internet connection samtang labaw nang Jazz, 99-98, 48 segundos ang nahibilin sa duwa.  Wa gihapoy makabentaha sa buhing paghulagway ni Homer.  [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Arangkada for May 6, 2007

       MAO RA NI?

 

       Sa labing unang higayon, nakasud ko sa Cebu International Convention Center.  Salamat sa gipasiugdahan ni Mandaue City Acting Mayor Ading Seno nga pagbukas sa CICC ngadto sa Sugbuanong mga magbubuhis pagtimaan sa tinuig nga pangilin sa Dakbayan sa Mandaue.  Kabahin ko sa unang hut-ong sa mga nitubag sa pagdapit ni Seno.  Kinsa nipasabot nga pipila ray nakatunga kay tingtrabaho pa, apan nahurot nang mga tiket nga giapud-apod sa iyang buhatan alang sa adlawng Dominggo.

        Gipakita mi og audio-visual presentation nga nagpahinumdom sa kamahinungdanon ug kamakasaysayanon sa papel sa CICC sa tigom sa mga pangu sa kanasuran sa habagatan ug silangang Asya niadtong Enero.  Ug dayon gilibot na mi sa pinili nga mga lawak sa duha ka andana nga building, nga gihulagway sa Agence France Presse (AFP) nga "morang gamayng shopping mall nga way mga bintana."

-o0o-

        Si Mayor Seno wa kapugong sa iyang kaugalingon sa pag-ingon nga pipila ka bahin sa CICC mas maayong tan-awon sa telebisyon kay sa linawas.  Niuyon niya ang ubang nanguyog sa guided tour nga nitawag sa akong pagtagad (ang uban mas kusog og tingog kay sa uban nga kuwang na lag diyutay nga naghagawhaw, ambot tungod tingali sa kaikog sa mahigalaon nga mga tinugyanan sa Kapitolyo nga mapailubong nigiya namo aron pagtino nga di mi mangasaag ni manud sa gitak-opang mga lawak) sa mosunod nga ilang nabantayan sa upat pa ka buwan nga building:

·         Pipila ka bahin sa bungbong sa lobby nangliki na;

·         Tumoy sa bungbong sa ikaduhang andana nahup-ak na ug gamay na lag kuwang nga matagak ang nagkawil-kawil nga tipaka;

·         Ang mouldings sa lobby nangahup-ak na;

·         Ang carpet sa plenary hall nagburutburot na;

·         Pipila ka pultahan sa mga pansayan naguba na; ug

·         Peryodista nga nakasud atol sa summit ang nitudlo namo sa dapit nga nagtulo sa pagbunok sa uwan.

-o0o-

        Apan ang labing makahuloganon nga paniid naggikan sa usa pundok sa batan-ong mga lalaki nga nituaw (pasaligan hinuon tika nga hinay gihapong ilang tingog ug wa madunggi sa mga tagduma):  "Mao ra ni?"

        Klaro kaayo nga kasagaran sa among kaubanan nagsubay sa mga balita.  Mahimo ganing nakadungog sila sa pasangil ni Crisologo Saavedra nga dul-an na sa bilyon ang tinuod nga naggasto sa CICC.  O sa pag-angkon sa Kapitolyo nga madugangan pang P581 milyones nga gasto tungod sa "reconfiguration."  Lisod tinuod nga pangitaon ang makalilisang nga gasto sa kayano sa building.

        Ang bisan unsang pagduda sa mga nanguyog sa kamakiangayon sa gasto napapas dihang ila ming gida sa luho nga pultahan nga nag-ambo sa mga barungbarong sa makaluluoy nga mga biktima sa sunog sa Guizo ug Mantuyong nga wa pang kapabarug pagbalik sa ilang mga panimay.  [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Arangkada for May 5, 2007

        CICC BUKSAN SA PUBLIKO

 

        Si Mandaue City Acting Mayor Ading Seno malipayong nipahibawo atol sa sinemanang Kapamilya Media Forum sa DYAB Abante Bisaya ug Sky Cable nga gipahigayon sa SM City Cebu Entertainment Plaza nga makaangkon na gyod og kahigayonan ang Sugbuanong mga magbubuhis pagtan-aw sa Cebu International Convention Center (CICC).   Matod ni Seno nga, pinaagi ning iyang gasa sa mga Mandauehanon nga magsaulog sa ilang tinuig nga kapiyestahan karong buwana, makaangkon na gyod og kahigayonan ang katawhan pagsusi makiangayon bang naggasto ang buhis nga ilang siningtan ug hinagoan.

        Upat ug tunga ka takna ra hinuong buksan ang CICC ngadto sa publiko, gikan sa alas-9 hangtod alas-11 sa buntag ug gikan sa alas-2 hangtod sa alas-4:30 sa hapon.  50 lang ka tawo ang pasudlon sa usa ka higayon aron kahatagan sila og guided tour.   Ug sa lakang nga makapaamgo sa iyang mga kaatbang unsa kamahinungdanon ang iyang pagka acting mayor sa Mandaue, malipayong gipahibawo ni Seno nga ang tanang gustong mosud sa CICC kinahanglang mokuha og pases gikan sa iyang buhatan.

-o0o-

        Si Acting Mandaue City Mayor Jonas Cortes, kandidato pagka mayor sa Team Honesty, kinsa naglingkod tapad ni Seno atol sa media forum, nipahibawo sa iyang plano pagtugyan sa pagduma sa CICC ngadto sa pribadong sektor aron pagtino nga di ni mausik.   Gikuwestiyon ni Cortes ang kamapuslanon sa gipatuman karon nga hinugpong nga pagduma tali sa Kapitolyo sa Sugbo ug sa Mandaue City Hall.  Apan sa samang higayon nitataw si Cortes nga angayng tinud-on pagsusi nasubay bang tanang mga lagda sa dinalidali nga pagtukod sa CICC alang sa niaging 12 ^th Asean Summit.

        Sa iyang bahin, si kanhi Mandaue City Councilor Magno Dionson, kandidato pagka mayor sa Bando Mandaue Anak Bisaya, niingon nga di maayong tilimad-on ang tigbayon sa CICC alang sa Mandaue.   Kay nahimo ning tinubdan sa di maayong mga panghitabo sa Mandaue ug sa Sugbo.  Matod niya nasuspenso si kanhi mayor Teddy Ouano tungod sa mga eskandalo sa summit ug mahimong masuspenso sab ang uban pang lokal nga mga opisyal tungod sa mga pasangil sa overpricing ug ubang mga anomaliya sa CICC.

-o0o-

        Wa katunga sa media forum si Jonkie Ouano, kandidato pagka mayor sa Power Team 4.  Maong sa makausa pa napakyas na sang among pagsuway pag-abot sa tanang kandidato sa giisip nga usa sa labing higpit nga piniliay pagka mayor sa tibuok Sugbo.

        Nakahigayon si Cortes pagpakita sa pipila ka mga biktima sa pagpanghasi ug pagpangulata nga ilang gipasangil sa mga Ouano.  Nipasangil siya nga mga sakyanan sa City Hall ug kapolisan ang gigamit sa armadong mga tawo.   Nipasalig hinuon si Seno nga nagkasabot na sila si Mandaue City Police Director Alexander Abadinas paghimo og mga lakang aron pagtino nga di hingpit nga magkadugo ang nagpadayong kampanya sa Mandaue.   [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

DYAB Cebu Kumbira sa Sa Kapamilya in June 2006

DYAB Cebu Kumbira sa Sa Kapamilya in June 2006

DYAB Cebu Kumbira sa Sa Kapamilya in June 2006

DYAB Cebu Kumbira sa Sa Kapamilya in June 2006

DYAB Cebu Kumbira sa Sa Kapamilya in June 2006 

DYAB Cebu Bakhaw Planting In Cotcot, Liloan

DYAB Cebu Bakhaw Planting volunteers

DYAB Cebu Bakhaw Planting volunteers

DYAB Cebu Bakhaw Planting volunteers

DYAB Cebu Bakhaw Planting volunteers 

Arangkada for September 20, 2006

 

      KINSAY UTOK?

 

Karong nakonbikto na si SPO1 Marcial Ocampo, mahimo bang mopasabot ang kapolisan nganong hangtod karon wa pa mailhi ang utok sa pagpatay ni Elpidio "Jojo" dela Victoria? Ang kapaspas sa husay sa kaso, nga nahuman sud lang sa tunga sa tuig, nakapabantang lang sa kaluya ug kataphaw sa imbestigasyon pag-ila sa mastermind sa pagpatay ni dela Victoria. Nga gikahadlokang nahunong dihang gipasaka ang kaso sa korte ug nalinga nang mga Sugbuanon sa husay ug sa mas bag-o ug mas dagkong mga kontrobersiya.

Ang gikahadlokang pagpangiyugpos lang sa kapolisan pag-ila sa ubang nahilambigit sa bangis nga pagpatay ni dela Victoria nagmatuod nga dagko gyong isda ang utok sa krimen ug busa, mahimo ba, nga mopakpak ug matagbaw na lang ang katawhan nga tambasakan nga si Ocampo, bisan napamatud-ang way atraso ni pagdumot sa biktima, mao na lay ibala sa kanyon iyawat mahilom ang sibaw nga awhag sa hustisya?

-o0o-

Ang sunudsunod nga pagpamatay sa mga sakop sa media, nalambigit man sa ilang trabaho o wa, tipik lang sa mas dakong eskandalo: Ang wa mabadlong nga pagpamatay ug bangis nga pagpanamastamas di lang sa mga aktibista kon dili hasta na sa kasarangang mga molupyo. Busa ang pakigbisog batok sa pagpamatay sa mga komentarista ug mga peryodista angayng himuong kabahin sa mas dakong kawsa pagbaraw sa nisulbong nga kriminalidad sa kinatibuk-an sa katilingban.

Samtang way klarong ebidensiya nga maglambigit sa kadagkoan sa kagamhanan sa naghitak nga pagpamatay ug pagpanghasi, ang pamunoan gihapon ni Pres. Arroyo ang angayng tulisukon. Ang ilang kapakyas pagsulbad sa mga kaso ug pagsilot di lang sa mga mamumuno kon dili apil na sa mga utok sa krimen, gawas nga nakahudlat sa sistema sa hustisya mahimong makadasig pa sa ubang mga kriminal, apil nang kurakot nga mga politiko ug abusadong mga magpapatigayon, pagamit sab og puwersa paghipos sa ilang mga kaatbang—masakop man sila sa media, aktibista o utangan lang.

-o0o-

Ang mga pruyba sa kalambigitan sa labing dagkong opisyal sa kagamhanan sa laktod nga mga pagpamatay, samtang di kabarug sa hukmanan, makahasol kaayo nga di angayng palabyon lang kay posibleng gihimo silang mga irong buang nga gibuhian pagpasidaan sa mga kaatbang sa administrasyon:

• Si Davao City Mayor Rodrigo Duterte nga gituohang maoy nagbuhi sa mga vigilantes sa habagatang Mindanao gisuod pag-ayo sa Malakanyang ug gihimo pang presidential adviser sa seguridad;
• Si Retired Army Major General Jovito Palparan nga gipasanginlang berdugo nga maoy niluba sa mga aktibista paspas kaayong gipatongan og mga bituon ug gitanyagang himuong luyuluyong National Security Adviser bisan sa wa pa moretiro sa serbisyo; ug
• Si Cebu City Mayor Tomas Osmena nga way pupanaganang nagsubli-subli nga mas ganahan siya sa mga vigilantes kay sa mga abogado inay pilpilon gihatagan hinuon og dakong katungdanan sa Asean Summit. [30] leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Arangkada for September 19, 2006

 

       LUOY UG GUTOM

 

Ang National Food Authority (NFA) way mga ebidensiya nga gihuptan pagmatuod sa gikatahong pagbaha sa smuggled rice dinhi sa Sugbo. Apan ang tigpamaba sa NFA nga si Ernesto Lariosa niangkon nga naghinobra ang suplay sa bugas humay nga nitidlom pag-ayo ang halin sa NFA nga ilang gipamaligya sa nagkalainlaing merkado aron unta pagtapak sa kakuwang sa suplay ug pagpugong sa patuyang nga pagsaka sa presyo sa commercial rice.

Matod ni Lariosa lisod ipatin-aw ang nag-awas-awas nga suplay sa bugas humay sa Sugbo kay wa man mosulbong ang produksiyon sa mga umahan sa Luzon ug Mindanao. Si Lariosa nipasabot sa DYAB Abante Bisaya nga usa sa posibleng katin-awan sa abundang suplay mao ang mga pasangil sa pagsiaw sa rice smuggling agi sa mga pantalan sa Sugbo sukad pa sa niaging tuig.

-o0o-

Ang mga magpapatigayon sa bugas maoy labing nahibawo sa kiat sa rice smugglers sa Sugbo. Pila ka semana sa di pa modunggo ang mga barko nga gikargahan sa pinayuhot nga bugas, duna nay mga ahente nga nanungko sa labing dagkong mga bodega ug tindahan pagtanyag sa labihan kabarato nilang imported nga bugas. Napugos sila pagdawat sa kahadlok nga langawon ang mas mahal nilang lokal nga bugas ug magpiyesta ang ilang mga kumpetinsiya kon mao ray makigkonsabo sa gamhanang pundok sa rice smugglers.

Tak-om ang ilang mga baba sa kahadlok nga maduhig sa kontrobersiya. Maong di mahitabong mokanta sila ngadto sa NFA ug bisan sa ilang kahugpongan, ang Grains Retailers Confederation (Grecon). Apan ang mga magpapatigayon mismo nabalaka nga kon di mabaraw ang smuggling, mahimo silang inutil pagpugong sa nag-ung-ong nga grabeng krisis sa bugas.

-o0o-

Tungod sa nagbaha nga smuggled rice, gibalibaran sa mga magpapatigayon sa Sugbo ang ilang mga suki sa Luzon ug Mindanao. Ug kay di man mahimo nga maghuwat ang ilang mga suki kanus-a mabasiyo ang mga bodega sa Sugbo, napugos sila pagtumod sa natanggong nilang sinakong bugas ngadto sa laing dapit ug sa pagpangita og bag-ong mga suki.

Ang smuggled rice sa Sugbo di molungtad hangtod sa hangtod. Kon di mokihol ang Bureau of Customs ug ubang ahensiya, maapsan sila sa pagpasaka sa presyo sa ubang kanasuran. Kon moabot nang adlawa, magkara-kara ang mga magpapatigayon pagpangita og bag-ong suppliers sa bugas kay nasimang na sa laing dapit ang naandan nilang mga tinubdan.

-o0o-

Arang-arang na lang ang mga magpapatigayon kay kon magkina-unsa duna pa may hiniposan nga makuot aron paglatas sa tinggutom. Ang mga mag-uuma nga maoy labing natangkugo sa rice smuggling kinahanglang manglayas gikan sa ilang umahan aron mabuhi.

Laing tigdawat sa santako mao ang mga konsumidor. Bisan sa abundang suplay, wa silang kapahimus sa baratong presyo sa bugas. Ug kon hingpit nang magusbat ang industriya sa bugas, silay malunosan sa gutom. [30] leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

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China's Future

At Large : China's 'yuppie corps'

Rina Jimenez-David
Inquirer News Service

BEIJING -- An important part of the economic restructuring taking place in the "Reform Era" in China is the transformation of State ministries into government-owned or -controlled corporations. The re-tooling of bureaucratic institutions into corporations (run with private-sector efficiency and competitiveness) has enabled China to compete with the rest of the world, not just in providing goods and services to its own huge population, but also in going head-to-head with multinationals in the global arena.

Crucial to China's strategy to leap into the age of globalization is the appointment of young, well-educated and aggressive leaders to head the country's flagship firms. Together with the most successful private-sector entrepreneurs, they constitute what has been dubbed as "China's yuppie corps."

A study published in the "China Leadership Monitor" describes this new economic elite as "party-legitimated entrepreneurs," most of whom have been trained in engineering or economics and business administration; some of them hold post-graduate degrees from Western universities. Most are male, city-born and -bred; the majority is below 45 years old. One might also call them the elite of the post-Cultural Revolution generation, Chinese who have no experience or just vague memories of their country's political upheavals.

The rise of the "yuppie corps" promises more than economic changes. "The rapid rise of young business executives may also broaden the way in which political leaders are chosen," the study says. While the political and Party leadership has traditionally been held by individuals who gained experience and power by rising through the political ranks, the economic elite suggest a way to leapfrog the local-to-national politics route. Already, a number of CEOs have been appointed to sit in the People's Assembly and even in the Party Congress, bringing a different sensibility to Chinese governance.

"The transformation of social and economic life in China during the Reform Era is eventually a tale of redistribution of power, wealth and prestige," says the study. "Chinese entrepreneurs' growing influence in Chinese society, their relations with other elite and social groups, their own diversified characteristics, and the implications of the rise of this group for the outside world should attract much more attention among China-watchers in the future."

* * *

OUR group of journalists met one such member of China's "yuppie corps" Sunday evening. Ren Hongbin is the chair of the China Machinery and Equipment Corp. (Group) or CNMEG, a state-owned enterprise that arose five years ago from the Ministry of Machinery Industry.

An engineer, Ren was just 38 when he was appointed to head CNMEG, which consolidates 62 companies engaged in science, industry, construction, manufacturing, engineering, trade and finance; and leads the way in research and development. It has 33,000 employees, with an annual turnover of $4.67 billion.

Over a Peking Duck dinner in a historic restaurant, Ren spoke proudly of the scope of CNMEG's operations, which includes construction of a number of structures for the Beijing Olympics in 2008, the manufacture of crucial components for spacecraft, and the construction of the "Three Gorges" dam and hydro-electric power plant, the world's most ambitious civil works project that entailed the dislocation of several villages.

Its annual report proclaims that CNMEG's vision is that of "a large transnational group that is market-orientated, motivated by technology innovation with scientific management and diversified capital structure with engineering contracting and hi-tech products export as its main business."

Ren is married to an engineering professor and they have a 15-year-old daughter who, he confided, had begged to be taken to the dinner "so she could practice her English."

* * *

"WE have over $4 billion in projects around the world," remarked Ren, "but the project in the Philippines is the most difficult," this said with a wry smile.

The "project" Ren was referring to is the controversial $421-million Northern Luzon Railway Project, or Northrail, the subject of a Senate investigation hearing tomorrow. (CNMEG has done projects in the country in the past and is engaged in two other ongoing projects, including the General Santos City fish port.) Though most everybody, especially residents and traders along the Manila-Bulacan-Pampanga-La Union corridor, concedes the need for and importance of a revived railway service in this part of the country, the project has run afoul of the old Filipino bugaboo of politics.

In fact, Northrail and its supposedly anomalous contract were among the items in the "amended" impeachment complaint against President Macapagal-Arroyo. Upon the urging of Sen. Juan Ponce Enrile, with the active backing of Senate President Franklin Drilon, the Senate last week voted to hold hearings on Northrail, forcing Northrail president Jun Cortes to cut short his Beijing trip. (We teased him about bringing home some bananas in case he ran afoul of the senators.)

Among the questions being raised against the Northrail project is the choice of CNMEG as the contractor, with some quarters alleging that "second-hand" equipment would be used, and calling to doubt the company's capability to undertake the work.

The speculation about "second-hand" equipment puzzled Chairman Ren no end. "Where did they get such information?" he wondered. And there were some rumblings of hurt feelings among more junior company officials, who speculated that if the contractor had been an American or Japanese company, nobody would have questioned its capability.

But CNMEG, given its size and track record, does not have to prove anything. And neither, it turns out, does the Northrail project.

David's Column

At Large : Poor Bert

Rina Jimenez-David
Inquirer News Service

POOR Bert Gonzales. I'm not really all that surprised that his blood pressure should shoot up after that blistering interrogation he had to endure at the Senate Wednesday.

Before he himself surrendered to the stress, Gonzales had made many senators' blood pressure rise in kind, mainly by his refusal to answer directly the legislators' questions regarding the extent of his authority to enter into a contract with a foreign lobby firm and the identity of the "private donors" who he claimed were going to fund Venable's efforts. I suspect adding to the senators' upset was Gonzales' refusal to take the bait and implicate the President in yet another scandal, one that senators have called "treasonous."

While he might qualify for a medal from his boss, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, for being willing to fall on a sword -- or in his case amp up his hypertension -- Gonzales should really reconsider whether staying on as national security adviser is worth his life, his name or his good health. For a while, Gonzales was valiantly taking on the brunt of the blame for the supposedly cancelled Venable deal, his commander in chief was just as valiantly distancing herself from the decision and from her adviser.

I can imagine how his heart rate and blood pressure might rise with the unsavory task of having to stand up in defense of a boss who has already abandoned him to ignominy. That is not the way to reward such rabid, if misguided, loyalty.

* * *

THIS is a theme that the Black and White Movement, which still has not said "die" on its mission to finally arrive at the truth behind the Gloriagate scandal, has picked up on. In a statement, the group recalled that after the Venable contract hit the headlines, Gonzales said confidently that the President had assured him "not to worry about the funds to pay for the Venable contract [saying that] there's going to be a foreign donor."

Well, Malacañang apparently belatedly realized the frightening implications of the President's personal involvement, if not ultimate responsibility, for the arrangement. Just a day after Gonzales talked to reporters about the "foreign donors," the President, in a TV appearance, denied any personal knowledge of or involvement in the affair, saying that "she does not micromanage contracts, leaving everything to Bert."

As the Black and White Movement comments: "Indeed she did. She's left everything to Bert, including twisting and hanging in the wind to cover up and be held accountable for something he could only have done as an extension of the personality of the President. He has received neither reassurance nor support from the President. He is close to being accused of treasonous behavior. And for what? To serve the interests of a President who stands behind nothing: not her own decisions and policies, not her Cabinet members, not the interests of the country."

In the wake of the President's shabby treatment of one of her closest advisers, the group appealed to the rest of the Arroyo Cabinet, pointing out that "this is what you will get, for thinking your service to the President is service to the country."

To those relatively new in the inner circle, particularly the replacements for the "Hyatt 10" group of former Cabinet officials, the Black and White has this ominous scenario: "You will be asked questions you cannot answer, because of the deviousness of the President you serve. You will be asked to defend policies the true nature of which has been kept from you by the President. You will be held accountable for things the President, and not you, should be held to account. The President serves no one but herself, and is prepared to do any disservice to any person, including members of her own official family, if it serves her interests."

* * *

AT A RECENT get-together of friends on matters political and social, we all agreed that Malacañang had essentially won the public opinion battle in the wake of July 8, when people thought the "tipping point" had been reached in turning the nation against Ms Arroyo.

The Palace's attack team, led by Mike "Braces" Defensor, quickly got busy painting the "Hyatt 10" former officials as "traitors" who had been disloyal to their President, betrayed her trust and took advantage of their proximity to power to gather ammunition against her administration.

And Filipinos, we agreed, recoil instinctively against the word "traydor" [traitor] or to the concept of disloyalty. After all, our society has long been built on the foundations of family, where fealty and loyalty are considered prime values.

What was needed, we agreed, was a campaign to turn the tables on the concept of "disloyalty." Shouldn't the "Hyatt 10" be honored instead for being disloyal to the President but loyal to the country and to their principles? What is the greater sin: to stay loyal to a leader who had abandoned her oath and ceased to serve the people, or risk one's position and reputation to stand up for the greater good and for truth?

If the President cannot even "stand by her man (or woman)" in a time of crisis, it's extremely doubtful she would stake her power for such nebulous concepts as the national welfare and honor.

* * *

NOTES: Lawyer Jim Lopez, National Book Awards winner for three consecutive years, will be one of the speakers at the "For Better, For Worse: A Complete Guide to Annulment" seminar today at the Asian Institute of Management Conference Center. Lopez will talk on material covered in his book "The Rules of Marriage: Rules of Engagement."

Lopez is (happily) married to Lorna Legazpi, a former Miss Philippines, and they have four children.

For inquiries, call the Center for Global Best Practices at +632 8427148 or +63917 9295432 or e-mail bestpractices8888@yahoo.com.

Quezon's View

The Long View : The rule of law

Manuel L. Quezon III
Inquirer News Service

YESTERDAY, Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita announced, "The rule of calibrated preemptive response is now in force, in lieu of maximum tolerance. The authorities will not stand aside while those with ill intent are herding a witting or unwitting mass of people and inciting them into actions that are inimical to public order and the peace of mind of the national community." The term "maximum tolerance" has always been an offensive one -- it presumes that people wanting to hold protest rallies against the government may do so only because the authorities have granted them the favor of a permit to rally when, in truth, rallying is a right, a form of peaceably petitioning government for redress of grievances.

But a "calibrated preemptive response" -- what is that? A systematic strategy to gradually increase the use of force even ahead of a rally; that is, to head off a rally by means calculated to hamper such efforts with a show of force. In other words, a deliberate, official policy of thwarting the rights of the people is in force.

I have publicly stated my opposition to protest rallies at this point, for many reasons. The main one is that rallies do not take into account how the landscape of Metro Manila has changed. Another reason is, with a society as divided between the "active" and "inactive" as we have now (I'm increasingly convinced that the majority are against the President, anyway), the inactive would be better convinced, if rallies didn't play into the hands of the administration. There is also the reason that times being hard as they are, a rally hampers the movement of people who simply can't afford to rally and who are the ones actually penalized by the rallies because it would take them longer travel time to reach destinations or because they get to their respective workplaces late, and so on.

Some readers gently chided me for such position. One pointed out that, first of all, rallying is now an integral part, an essential manifestation of democracy. Another reminded me that rallies serve another essential purpose, that is, to demonstrate on whose side the government really is: the people's or itself.

The price of democracy, then, is inconvenience, just as an essential attribute of democracy is the right to dissent. This includes my right to dissent (with some public officials) on the application of the Penal Code's provisions on sedition (which I consider a colonial relic, enacted during the American rule-that is, prior to the Commonwealth). Our country isn't alone. Other former colonies retain repressive colonial laws (former British colonies, for example, have internal security acts, dating back to British rule, that are useful in stifling dissent and opposition). This includes the right to demonstrate opposition to a government -- any government -- and the corresponding obligation of the government -- any government -- to uphold that right. Not tolerate. Not limit. Not thwart by brandishing the law. The state has the duty to vigorously protect and uphold that right.

What we have instead, is a state policy of using every means -- the Penal Code with its colonial provisions, the various propaganda organs of the State, the massed batons and riot shields of the police, and even the rifles of the Armed Forces -- to turn any assertion of the public's rights into what the government calls a sinister conspiracy to thwart the rule of law.

I am reminded of the comment a friend made as he watched, on TV, Corazon Aquino and Susan Roces confronted by rows of policemen with riot shields and clubs: "Ah, so that is the rule of law! Two widows requiring the mobilization of thousands of people armed to the teeth, and backed up by water cannon."

I wonder where the rule of law has gone, when a government that claims to have an unquestionable mandate from the people, would rather deny people of permits (read: their right) to rally. And then, the same government that claims to an ironclad right to govern wonders why people opposed to it decide to rally in Makati City. In the first place, Makati is as good a place as any to rally; and becomes the only place to rally when the officials of other cities refuse to issue permits for people to rally in public spaces, such as Rizal Park, the Liwasang Bonifacio and the Quezon Memorial Circle.

I possess certain biases that I continue to uphold unapologetically. The first is that those who benefited from People Power yesterday cannot deny it to anyone today. The second is that the targets of People Power yesterday cannot be the beneficiaries of People Power tomorrow (which may be one reason we don't have People Power today, only rallies). The third is that the opposition to the President is not only a Metro Manila phenomenon.

But I withdraw my objection to rallies, because it's everyone's right to rally for or against something. And why do I get the sinking feeling that those demonized yesterday seemed more willing than today's government (which claims, with such supreme self-confidence, to possess legitimacy) to let the public demonstrate? Perhaps, the explanation is a simple one: as Imelda Marcos once put it, to explain their political and financial success, "some are smarter than others." And we have a government today that is the smartest of all. It recognizes that the true test of the rule of law is that might makes right. As to the only remaining question, which is whether the State has the right to defend itself, the answer must be a clear yes. But defend itself from clenched fists, speeches, protest music and banners (whatever their color may be), with a "calibrated preemptive response"? This is the behavior of a government that recognizes its legitimacy only in its press releases.

Looking For Leaders

Commentary : Allure of toxic leaders

Nono Alfonso, SJ, Institute on Church and Social Issues
Inquirer News Service

"WHERE have all the good leaders gone?"

This question has haunted the country since the start of the crisis of credibility that has besieged the administration of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. In survey after survey, people have opined that although they distrust the President, they see no alternative to her at this juncture. In a manner of speaking, some say it is a choice between the devil and the deep blue sea.

This curious predicament is the subject of Jean Lipman-Blumen's new book entitled, "The allure of toxic leaders: why we follow destructive bosses and corrupt politicians -- and how we can survive them." Blumen, who has written books on leadership and was a special adviser to President Jimmy Carter, divides her book into two parts. The first part deals with why we tolerate "toxic" leaders and the second part tells us how we can liberate ourselves from this kind of leaders.

She starts by defining what she means by toxic leaders. These are "leaders who engage in numerous destructive behaviors and who exhibit certain dysfunctional personal characteristics," she says. "To count as toxic, these behaviors and qualities of character must inflict some reasonably serious and enduring harm on their followers and their organizations."

Many observers have pointed out how the Arroyo administration has emasculated our democratic institutions. Corruption, they say, has escalated in an unprecedented scale. All this therefore makes the government a toxic one by Blumen's standards.

Describing further the qualities of toxic leaders, Blumen provides a list which includes "playing to the basest fears and needs of followers, misleading followers through deliberate untruths and misdiagnoses of issues and problems, identifying scapegoats and inciting others to castigate them, improperly clinging to power, subverting those structures and processes of the system intended to generate truth, justice and excellence, and engaging in unethical, illegal and criminal acts." Reading the list, one would think one is reading the impeachment complaint against the President filed by the opposition last month.

But the real giveaway is when Blumen says that toxic leaders are "consciously feeding their followers illusions that enhance the leaders' power and impair the followers' capacity to act independently, including persuading the followers that they are the only one who can save them or the organization." Not only has this administration been obsessed with doing and redoing the President's image, even hiring professional PR outfits for the task, it has also peddled the highly arguable "truth" that she is the only one who can save this country, the only who can lead us to unparalleled economic development. (I have always believed that with the President held hostage from the start by political wheeling and dealing, it was her economic team led by Emma Boncodin that authored whatever economic gains we have achieved.) And yet the President's inner circle has capitalized on this image, which has been accepted by not a few people as gospel truth.

This brings us to Blumen's main point: There are toxic leaders as there are gullible followers.

Why do we tolerate toxic leaders? What makes us vulnerable to the illusions and myths they weave? Blumen cites internal and external reasons. The internal ones are deep-seated psychological needs such as "our need for reassuring authority figures to fill our parents' shoes, our need for security and certainty, our need to feel chosen, our need for membership in the human community, our fear of isolation, and social death, our fear of personal powerlessness to challenge a bad leader." Because of the interaction of these needs, we would rather compromise our freedom and autonomy and tolerate abusive leaders whether in the family, in the workplace or in our communities.

There are also external factors that make us submit to erring leaders. These factors consist of the societal problems and crises that cause fear and anxiety in our lives. In a world of uncertainty and instability, we crave for a certainty and stability. "Constant change, seasoned with ambiguity, increases our vulnerability to toxic leaders," Blumen argues. "They promise to allay those fears and protect us: in the anxiety of such moments, we become only too willing to trade our fears for the sheltering 'security' of a strong leader, one with a clear ideology and explanation of the disturbing changes exploding around us, a leader who can bring meaning to our chaotic world."

Secondly, there are cultural factors such as society's achievement ethic. It is an unfinished world and leaders present themselves as the ones who can get the work done.

In all, both these internal and external factors conspire to make of us willing followers to toxic leaders. We are forever in search of saviors or even gods.

How then do we liberate ourselves from toxic leaders? Blumen suggests familiar solutions such as joining with others in confronting if not overthrowing the toxic leader. Institutional mechanisms also help such as "putting term limits, repairing the flawed process for selecting leaders, creating respectable departure options." But the long-term solution is realizing the "leader within" each one of us.

The traditional school teaches that leadership is a privilege, the birthright of a few. It's high time we understood it as a responsibility everyone must undertake, Blumen says. This new understanding widens the pool of would-be leaders. Then we don't have to ask the question, "Where have all the good leaders gone?"

With this empowering message, Blumen ends her book the same way she opens it by quoting from Bertolt Brecht: "Unhappy the land that has no heroes. No, unhappy the land that is in need of heroes."

Collision

High Ground : Cory vs. Gloria: The inevitable collision

William Esposo wmesposo@hotmail.com
INQ7.net

Cory C. Aquino vs. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo – it's a political collision that was inevitable. Cory represented freedom, a return to democracy and its institutions. Gloria represented the annihilation of these revered institutions and values Cory had restored through People Power in 1986. Cory dismantled the instruments of martial law. Gloria is well on the way to governing under a de facto state of martial law, a situation even her own administration allies admit. Cory led us to our greatest, most shining moment when we became the world's quintessence of non-violent revolt. Gloria has shown the world the ugly face of political accommodation and the havoc it can wreak on an already impoverished people.

Cory championed the good values that were inherently Filipino. She upheld the value of nationalism, respect for the law, fair play, loyalty, consistency and sincerity in fighting for causes. Gloria declared she was all that but did the opposite. Cory believed in transparency and being truthful. Gloria lied, denied she lied and then went on to lie some more. She vowed to the nation that she will not run as president in 2004 – then she barefacedly announced her candidacy when the time to announce candidacies came. She vowed to abide by democratic processes in dealing with the impeachment issue against her – then she so skillfully and so brazenly used all resources and tricks of the trade to quash the course of justice.

Cory regarded the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) as an important component of the democratic process and the preserver of the sanctity of the voice of the electorate. She manifested this in her choices of officials in the COMELEC – Ramon Felipe, Remedios Fernando, Christian Monsod and Haydee Yorac, people who were revered for their probity. In contrast, Gloria handpicked Virgilio (Garci) Garcillano despite, or perhaps because of, his reputation for electoral fraud, as in previous dagdag-bawas and other vote-count manipulation schemes. In the aftermath of the revelations and conclusions derived from the Gloria-Garci tapes, it becomes even more apparent that the criminal intent to cheat in the 2004 elections found form and structure the day Garcillano was named. Cory distrusted traditional politicians and she reflected this in her choice of Cabinet members. Traditional politicians who did manage to hold positions did so only very briefly – until they ran for office during the 1987 congressional elections. Thereafter, Cory filled the vacancies with professionals. In her later years as president, the only major department that was headed by a politician in the Cory government was the local government department, which is really a political institution in itself. But for Gloria – for all her sophisticated educational credentials and much-touted-about professional background, she displayed little respect for professional talent. After the 2004 elections, she quickly repaid political patrons with premium seats to the nation's fortune train by naming them heads of Cabinet posts even if the incumbent secretary or agency head was more qualified.

In 1996, I was one of those who supported the presidential bid of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo for the 1998 elections. Many of us who collaborated in this effort did this for only one reason: to prevent Joseph (Erap) Estrada from becoming president, and hence, abort a reversal of the positive momentum achieved by EDSA. Our campaign team had approached various groups and key political players to promote the candidacy of Macapagal-Arroyo. Having directed the Cory Media Bureau during the 1986 Snap Election Campaign and having served in her administration from 1987 to 1988, I went to see Cory in her Makati office to have a feel of her thinking about Gloria's candidacy.

At that time, there were several presidential candidates who were either close to Cory or had served with her and who therefore enjoyed an inside track to her endorsement. Rene de Villa, then seeking the Lakas-NUCD nomination, was said to get her likely endorsement. Raul Roco, a close associate of Ninoy Aquino, was another possibility. But since de Villa belonged to the ruling party, winning the Lakas-NUCD nomination would have given him the upper hand as Cory's choice. Gloria was never close to Cory and was at a disadvantage when compared to de Villa or Roco. But Gloria's predominance of votes in the senatorial race of 1995 showed what was generally believed then as a promising antidote to the toxic prospect of an Erap win. Cory did agree on the importance of having a president that would see through the continuity of the achievement of EDSA from 1998. But convincing her that Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was it was another matter altogether. While she was cautious about not giving away her preference as to whether it was de Villa or Roco – her comments on Gloria were downright revealing. Cory said: "I find her too pragmatic."

Having worked with Cory long enough to know when to press and not press a point, I left the issue at that. I immediately sensed that the dice was loaded against me. I remembered the dictum that when one is met by mush – one must advance – but when one is met by steel – retreat. I sensed steeled resistance behind our former president's words.

Sometime later, three of our campaign team members, the late Teddy Benigno, former Rep. Peping Cojuangco (Cory's brother) and Pastor "Boy" Saycon, called on Cory for the same purpose of obtaining her endorsement for Gloria. Right off the bat, she doused cold water on their sales pitch and told them: "If you came here to seek my endorsement, I'm sorry but I cannot endorse Gloria. I find her too pragmatic and she is the type of a person who will do anything just to achieve her ambitions." Teddy later wrote about this meeting in his column.

When our campaign team also approached Cardinal Sin for his endorsement, his response was: "Gloria is too young. She is the type of a person who cannot stand up to a crisis. Unlike Cory, she will cry like a small girl. You tell her to follow the footsteps of her father and run first as vice president." We all knew that the late Cardinal's words packed more meaning than what was apparent. Cory and Cardinal Sin ended up endorsing Fred Lim in 1998, validating their doubts about Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Without the endorsement of Cory and the Cardinal, Gloria opted to run for vice president in 1998.

Thus, I know that the motivation behind Cory's and Cardinal Sin's role in EDSA II had been only to remove and punish the growing national scourge that was President Joseph Estrada. Gloria became president not by merit but by virtue of default, being VP and therefore the constitutional successor.

Cory Aquino was always ready to fight for the cause that her husband Ninoy died for. Contrary to what her critics claim, Cory neither missed nor craved being in the limelight. I cannot say the same for Eddie Ramos. Cory could hardly wait to leave Malacanang in 1992. In fact, early on in her term, she chose to rent a house near Malacanang Palace (in Arlegui Street, where Ninoy used to live) rather than live in the Palace. This decision to live outside Malacanang sent shivers down the spines of the officers and soldiers of the Presidential Security Group who found the place most vulnerable, particularly in the face of coup threats.

Since Cory became president in 1986 under revolutionary conditions, she was not covered by the 1987 constitution and its re-election ban. Cory was eligible to run for president in 1992. The groups behind Ramon Mitra and Fidel Ramos would not have dared go against her. Considering Eddie Ramos' victory with just 24% of the 1992 vote, Cory would have easily won in 1992 by chalking up 30% or more. Before that time, no incumbent president who ran for re-election failed to obtain lower than 40% of the vote. When Gloria broke her promise not to run in 2004, she also employed extraordinary ways and means to commandeer government resources to achieve 'victory' – one that has been adjudged by the general public as invalid and illegitimate. Cory was never afraid to face danger. And most certainly, she never hid under the bed at the height of the 1987 coup attempt which is why she promptly sued Louie Beltran of the STAR for alleging that. Unlike Cory, Gloria had been conspicuously inaccessible during times of unrest, and most certainly when trouble did erupt (like when people stormed Malacanang on May 1, 2001 and during the Oakwood Siege in 2003). We saw a lot of these presidential seclusions from the public during the recent events that followed the revelations of the Gloria-Garci tape.

Not many people are aware of Cory Aquino's instincts and keen sense of discernment. During the campaign for the Snap Elections, we marveled how someone so lacking in political experience could take on a supposedly wily and seasoned political shark like Marcos with such aplomb and adeptness. Instead, Marcos could hardly do anything right while Cory could do nothing wrong. Other than the workings of Divine guidance, many of us knew that much of the Cory magic was due to plain and simple good and reliable instincts.

On hindsight, I know that her instincts about Gloria had been accurate. It's a pity that she had chosen to take the constitutional path during EDSA II in picking Estrada's successor rather than follow her instincts about Gloria. But all that is water under the bridge. What I'm happy about is that Cory is now four square with the rest of the 80% of the nation who want a change in the highest office of the land. The contrasting character study between Cory and Gloria should now allow the nation to perceive and understand the real issues.

Cory vs. Gloria – should we choose the one who never failed our trust? Or one who we can hardly trust? Do we side with the one who has no selfish agenda other than to protect and promote democracy? Or do we choose the other one whose personal agenda has overwritten national interest? Doesn't the contrast become even more pronounced when we realize that Cory had never, ever willfully told us a lie?

RP Debt

At Large : A meeting of hypocrites

Rina Jimenez-David
Inquirer News Service

"MEET the Fakers" is the title New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof used for his column on the UN Millennium Summit which just ended.

"The biggest gathering of leaders in history unfolds this week at the United Nations, as they preen and boast about how much they're helping the world's poor. In short, it may be the greatest assembly in history-of hypocrites," Kristof wrote.

"The fact is that with just a few exceptions, the presidents and prime ministers coming to the UN summit are doing a disgraceful job in helping the poor."

Kristof's harsh judgment is based on the dismal results (based on reports submitted by the governments led by the "hypocrites" he denounces) of efforts in the last five years to meet their self-imposed goals to bring an end to poverty, hunger, injustice and ignorance in their countries.

At the UN Millennium Summit of 2000, the world's leaders, including former President Joseph Estrada, pledged, among others, to cut extreme poverty in half, reduce child mortality by two-thirds, and maternal mortality by three-fourths-by the year 2015 or 10 years from now. Those goals are contained in the Millennium Development Goals or MDGs, an eight-point distillation of the pledges at the Summit with statistical, time-bound targets for measuring progress in health, education, gender equality and other areas.

Though Christ has said that "the poor will always be with us," meeting the MDGs is, by most estimates, feasible and attainable by 2015, but only if the world's governments, especially the richest governments, are willing to back rhetoric with money and other forms of aid.

* * *

THAT, however, doesn't seem forthcoming. In an opinion piece for the Financial Times, American professor and economist Jeffrey Sachs laments the lack of focus and will of the Bush administration. "It seems at times that all US foreign policy regarding economic development revolves around the US insistence to pay almost nothing to help the poorest countries," Sachs wrote.

"US official aid levels are 0.16 percent of GNP, an increase from 0.10 percent when President Bush took office but still the lowest or second lowest of all donors (vying with Italy for the bottom slot). US aid levels for Africa are 0.03 percent of GNP, meaning that the US gives Africa just three cents in aid for every $100 of US GNP. Much of the rest of US aid still goes to 'strategic' countries such as Pakistan, Turkey, and Egypt, or to US consultants' salaries.

"Why the US government is so dead-set against doing more to help impoverished and dying people is one of the great mysteries of our time. It's not as if the poorest countries are asking for an open checkbook or an unconstrained line of credit. They are asking for rich countries to honor a modest commitment, a mere 0.7 percent of GNP, roughly one-seventh of what the US is spending this year on the military and one-third of what the US has spent on tax cuts in the first Bush term."

* * *

BUT other governments are not off the hook, either. While some countries, says Kristof, from Bangladesh to Indonesia, Brazil to Mongolia, are on track to meet the MDGs, "most of the world appears likely to miss the goals."

The columnist singles out two countries-China and India-that should take the lead for developing countries but are performing dismally. In India, among children from one to five years old, girls are 50 percent more likely to die than boys, "meaning that each year, 130,000 Indian girls are discriminated to death." The two countries' performance is even more shameful when compared to the achievements of other, smaller and poorer countries.

Observes Kristof: "Bangladesh has now overtaken India in improving child mortality, and Vietnam has overtaken China. If India had matched Bangladesh's rate of reduction in child mortality over the last decade, according to the UN Development Program, it would have saved 732,000 children's lives this year."

* * *

THE UNDP, in a report released to coincide with the Summit, notes that "the promise to the world's poor is being broken." Reports show that the gap between the commitments made in 2000 and the trends in actual performance of the signatory governments "amounts to 41 million children dying before their fifth birthday over the next decade."

What makes such a sorry record truly puzzling and inexcusable is that each signatory government was free to set specific targets for itself in pursuit of the MDGs. The Philippines, for example, chose to set for itself the goal of eliminating "gender disparities in primary and secondary education by 2005, and all levels of education not later than 2015" under Goal Number 3, which is "Promote Gender Equality." This is disingenuous at best, since girls' access to primary and secondary education has never really been a serious problem in the Philippines. Indeed, experts maintain that more Pinoy boys than girls drop out from school, under pressure from their families to start working and earning a living. If it truly wished to pursue gender equality, the government should have set its sights on other, more urgent concerns, such as violence against women.

Then, too, given the erosion of support for the government's reproductive health program, an offshoot of policy emanating from Malacanang itself, it's doubtful if the country could even hope to reach its goal of increased access to basic reproductive health services to 100 percent by 2015.

If President Macapagal-Arroyo truly wishes to convince our creditors to condone as much as 50 percent of our foreign debts as equity in poverty-reduction measures, then the government should first prove that it will put that money where it's meant to go. So far, though, its record in that regard is dubious.

Wanted: A Good Plan

Youngblood : First things first

Paolo Raynor E. Salvosa
Inquirer News Service

SINCE I first heard the "Hello, Garci" tapes, I've harbored a deep anger. My friends no longer bring up the issue when I'm around, lest I erupt in fury. But while I cannot let the issue rest, just like many other Filipinos, I was confused about what to do until I discussed it with my father. He told me it was not just a matter of thinking things through, but thinking about the right things.

Contrary to what many people think, the opposition did not make the situation worse. The crisis did not start when the opposition exposed the tape. It started when the people began noticing the suspicious behavior of Malacañang officials, which made them look like they were hiding something.

At first, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo kept her silence about the tapes, tapes that strongly suggest that she manipulated the elections in her favor. Then, there was the "Bunye fumble." Next, Justice Secretary Raul Gonzalez started threatening everyone with imprisonment even if they just listened to the tapes. And things reached the breaking point when the President apologized on national television for her "lapse in judgment."

If there is anything that the political crisis has put in focus, it is not just the lack of accountability of our public officials but the need to hold them to higher ethical standards, especially if she happens to be the President. Public officials are not only supposed to be competent but, more importantly, they are supposed to be people of integrity.

I would choose an honest farmer for president over an intelligent but corrupt politician, any day of the week and twice on Sunday. Because at the end of the day, you can trust the honest farmer who lacks political skills and economic savvy to do his best to serve the nation in accordance with the Constitution. A corrupt politician, on the other hand, can hardly do anything good for the country. Case in point: Cory Aquino vs. Ferdinand Marcos, housewife vs. lawyer (unless you are stupid to think we were better off under Marcos, of course).

The issue confronting us now goes beyond the question of the President's innocence or guilt. It revolves around trust, the heart of the social contract between the government and the people. Hence the phrase, "Public office is public trust."

The President betrayed that trust when she went on TV and apologized for her "lapse in judgment." The people wanted her to speak up and explain the contents of the tapes, hoping to be given simple yes or no answers to their questions. But when she spoke up, she never gave clear answers. She insulted our intelligence by not naming the official as if it was irrelevant. Her declaration that she did not cheat cannot be believed unless she gives a credible explanation for the conversations caught on the tapes.

Her statement consisted of half-truths and in so doing, she betrayed the public trust. And for this, there can be no room for understanding or leniency precisely because she is the President.

I have heard people, mostly administration officials, say that it is the system that is the source of our problems. While that may be true to a certain degree, the system cannot be blamed entirely for any individual's actions. Statements such as, "You can put the pope in Malacañang and he will still fail because the system will make him fail," or "A bad system breeds bad politicians," are self-defeating. To argue this way is to shirk responsibility.

Certainly, removing Ms Arroyo from the presidency will not solve all our problems. The system is very much in need of reforms. But first things first, and first, Ms Arroyo has to go. The campaign for reforms cannot move forward without integrity in government.

Political unrest and division are growing, legislation has been put on hold, and the economy is no longer being given full attention. To make matters worse, violence may be looming on the horizon. The New People's Army, Moro Islamic Liberation Front and other militant groups are stepping up their operations to take advantage of the situation. And very soon, the military might be dragged into the equation and we might enter a period of greater violence and turmoil. The precious, little progress we have made could simply go down the drain. The President put her own interests above those of the nation when she refused to resign in spite of these inevitable consequences.

At this point, any worthwhile discussion should just revolve around how we will boot out a President who is desperately using the system to hang on to her office. But whatever action we decide on must be guided by the Constitution. This means that the constitutional succession of Vice President Noli de Castro must be assured the moment the presidency becomes vacant.

I do not like De Castro. I did not vote for him. But only Ms Arroyo deserves to be kicked out. No individual or group has the right to set aside the votes of millions of Filipinos who elected De Castro simply because he thinks he is "unfit" or it will not change things.

Putting anyone else as president would violate the Constitution and be another betrayal of public trust.

Furthermore, any action we take to rectify the situation must be non-violent. That means our only options are people power or impeachment. Otherwise we set a precedent for the use of violence in resolving future political controversies. If we cannot have a dialogue without guns, then we cannot really have a dialogue at all.

And then what? Unfortunately there is no foolproof plan that will get us out of the hole we are in. The most we can do is draw up a good plan, have faith and proceed step by step.

Paolo Raynor E. Salvosa, 20, is a Bachelor of Arts in European Studies senior at the Ateneo de Manila University.